TAL BLOG
That's Capitalism!
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TAL Forum knocked out by 'suspect device'
It may have come to the notice of our members and supporters that the TAL Forum, as it was, has mysteriously and overnight disappeared (last Thursday in the early hours of the morning). The first reaction, as always, is one of extreme paranoia... have we been hit by a new virus; have some enterprising (but malicious) Scotland's Shame fans managed to hack into our forums to destroy the database and put us offline forever?
The answer of course is something much simpler although the implications are much more complex. Our forums were housed on a separate server by a company based in Singapore. It appears that the company, unknown to us at TAL, has been undergoing both financial and manpower problems in the last few months, due to the pressures placed upon them by the economic collapse and financial meltdown in many countries, including the once thriving economies of the Far East.
That it is only our forums that have been affected by the meltdown is perhaps a lucky break for us rather than a disaster... In Britland and Ireland, despite the obvious disadvantages caused by the world economic crisis, we are, in a relative sense, better prepared to absorb such hardships. One thing that was learned by working class people during the Thatcher years was survival in the most oppressive and economically difficult times.
Looking around the internet and seeing the hardships endured by working class people in other countries - especially in those countries of the former Soviet bloc, whose economies have been pilaged and robbed by a combination of laissez-faire western capitalists and their own home-produced corrupt 'oligarchs' - we can truly be thankful that the worst that we have had to endure at TAL is the loss of our forums.
In the meantime, we have set up a new forum, which is integrated into our website.
Click on FORUMS at the top of this page and join us in debate and discussion.
Slán,
Talman
POPPYCOCK
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POPPYCOCK
By Bre Abu - Tal Fanzine
When my grandmother passed away in the early 1990s I was going through some old photographs and found a card with the photo of a young soldier with a black ribbon attached. It was addressed to my Great-great grandfather and family from the War Department announcing the death of their son at the Battle of Loos in September 1915. He was aged 19 and conscripted into the Highland Light Infantry.
One year while travelling through France curiosity got the better of me and I visited the Commonweath War Cemetery at Loos and saw his name inscribed on a granite wall. No grave simply buried in a mass pit along with thousands of others.
When i got back to Glasgow I decided to try and find out what actually happened to him and his company in the battle. I visited the regiment's archives, stored in the museum on Sauchiehall Street.
I was given the officer in charge of the 10th Batallion HLIâ??s diary to read. On the day my great uncle was killed he was sent to attack a train line being held by the Germans. The officers ordered mustard gas to be fired in advance at the German positions. According to the diary, prevailing wind conditions hadnâ??t been considered and the mustard gas blew back into the faces of the Scottish troops. So there you have it. Chemical weapons and death by friendly fire...in 1915.
Do I feel like contributing to the Earl Haig Fund (to give the organisation behind Poppy Day its real name) because of this tragedy? Certainly not.
These lions led by donkeys deserve our thoughts and remembrance along with the many tens of thousands of conscripts slaughtered in Gallipoli and other places the Celt died for Anglo-imperialism. However, I wonâ??t be contributing because nowadays the funds go to VOLUNTEER soldiers who have in my opinion collaborated with the ruling class in the name of imperialism in Korea, Ireland, Iraq and Afghanistan.
Recruitment in Scotland for the Crown forces is at an all time low and jingoism is the order of the day to reverse that trend for the overstretched British military. So now itâ??s mandatory poppies, minute silences and aggressive recruitment in our schools, colleges and shopping centres.
Remembrance this November should be for the great Scottish Republican Socialist John Maclean who stood in front of huge crowds during the imperialist slaughter of 1914-1918 and called for mutiny amongst the troops and class war. He was jailed several times for sedition and force-fed while on hunger strike. He died an early death in 1923. So on November 30th, the 85th anniversary of his death, remember one man who would never have worn a poppy no matter how much pressure he was under...
John Maclean, the fighting dominie.
By Bre Abu - Tal Fanzine
When my grandmother passed away in the early 1990s I was going through some old photographs and found a card with the photo of a young soldier with a black ribbon attached. It was addressed to my Great-great grandfather and family from the War Department announcing the death of their son at the Battle of Loos in September 1915. He was aged 19 and conscripted into the Highland Light Infantry.
One year while travelling through France curiosity got the better of me and I visited the Commonweath War Cemetery at Loos and saw his name inscribed on a granite wall. No grave simply buried in a mass pit along with thousands of others.
When i got back to Glasgow I decided to try and find out what actually happened to him and his company in the battle. I visited the regiment's archives, stored in the museum on Sauchiehall Street.
I was given the officer in charge of the 10th Batallion HLIâ??s diary to read. On the day my great uncle was killed he was sent to attack a train line being held by the Germans. The officers ordered mustard gas to be fired in advance at the German positions. According to the diary, prevailing wind conditions hadnâ??t been considered and the mustard gas blew back into the faces of the Scottish troops. So there you have it. Chemical weapons and death by friendly fire...in 1915.
Do I feel like contributing to the Earl Haig Fund (to give the organisation behind Poppy Day its real name) because of this tragedy? Certainly not.
These lions led by donkeys deserve our thoughts and remembrance along with the many tens of thousands of conscripts slaughtered in Gallipoli and other places the Celt died for Anglo-imperialism. However, I wonâ??t be contributing because nowadays the funds go to VOLUNTEER soldiers who have in my opinion collaborated with the ruling class in the name of imperialism in Korea, Ireland, Iraq and Afghanistan.
Recruitment in Scotland for the Crown forces is at an all time low and jingoism is the order of the day to reverse that trend for the overstretched British military. So now itâ??s mandatory poppies, minute silences and aggressive recruitment in our schools, colleges and shopping centres.
Remembrance this November should be for the great Scottish Republican Socialist John Maclean who stood in front of huge crowds during the imperialist slaughter of 1914-1918 and called for mutiny amongst the troops and class war. He was jailed several times for sedition and force-fed while on hunger strike. He died an early death in 1923. So on November 30th, the 85th anniversary of his death, remember one man who would never have worn a poppy no matter how much pressure he was under...
John Maclean, the fighting dominie.
TOMMY BURNS - CELTIC LEGEND
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The title 'legend' is often conferred too lightly in the
world of football, but in the case of Tommy Burns, you could not apply
a more apt term to describe the man. From Bhoyhood to youth player to
first team regular to manager and coach, Tommy epitomised everything
that it is to be a Celt. The man would literally have walked those
million miles that we used to sing about for a Celtic goal.
I am not often moved to tears but I have found it extremely to difficult to watch any of the news coverage and tributes in the last couple of days without shedding a few tears each time for TB. A basic goodness shone out of every pore of that man and it almost seems like an injustice that such a good person who spread so much joy and happiness around him should be taken from us at such a relatively early age. I will always cherish the memories I have of Tommy as a player; there were few more committed battlers for the Celtic cause, but also he was a fine footballer with a beautiful left pin that scored many a crucial goal from his attacking midfield position. He quite literally lived and breathed this great club of ours.
I was brought up in my early years in the Calton (my first primary school was, like Tommy's, St Mary's Primary) before our tenement was demolished and my family moved out of the area. By the time I started secondary school at St Mungo's Academy, Tommy was already breaking through the ranks at Celtic. He was well-known among all the lads at school, especially the bhoys that were still living in the Calton area.
During the summer holidays, cos my ma and da worked full-time, I used to go and stay with my auntie who lived in the high flats at Helenvale Street between Celtic Park and the Training Ground behind the CSA Club on London Road. The players used to turn up early in the morning at Celtic Park, get changed and then jog along London Road to the training ground. There would always be a posse of wee bhoys from the high flats waiting for them passing by... this was when there was Lisbon Lions still in the squad, plus guys like Kenny Dalglish and later on, the young Tommy Burns. I always remember that the players would always stop if a kid asked them something about the next match, or for an autograph. My memory of guys like Jinky, King Kenny and TB was standing watching as they passed, being completely in awe of them. They'd come by with their studs clicking on the concrete pavement and always say "Awright Wee Man..." as they passed.
Anyway, years later, before TB came back as manager of Celtic, I was standing selling TÁL at Hampden (pretty sure it was a cup final match) and Tommy Burns and other members of his family came by, he stopped to buy a fanzine and I said "It's ok Tommy, you don't have to pay..." and gave him one. He said. "Thanks very much Wee Man..." As he walked away, I shouted, "You've been calling me Wee Man for 25 years..." and he shouts back, "Aye, but you've been wee for more than 25 years!"
When he took over as manager he was always available to the fans, just as he was when he was a player. I remember him sitting down with me and my mate when we were following Celtic on a pre-season tour of Germany in 1995 while he was manager. We'd asked him and the players to sign a 'Celtic Fans Against Fascism' T-shirt and Tommy said that he didn't see the point as he didn't think the club had any real problem with racism or fascism. We agreed with him, but pointed out that was because folk like us had been vigilant about it by reinforcing the traditions of the club and its own immigrant roots. Next thing he's sitting having a political discussion with us and then he turns round and says, "Ok lads, you've convinced me to sign it - give me the T-shirt and I'll get a few of the players to sign it as well."
That's the kind of guy he was, never dismissive, never aloof, always prepared to sit down with the supporters.... and that is why he is universally loved by the whole Celtic family around the world. Guys like Tommy Burns are few and far between these days at Celtic Park, but he more than anyone else has left us his legacy in the youth academy and the young players that he personally nurtured over the last few years who have now, like him in his time, broken through the ranks and into the first team squad. Those players bear a heavy burden of responsibility if they intend to emulate and become true Celtic Legends like Tommy Burns. The dignity shown so far by the players and the manager Gordon Strachan who I thought spoke with tremendous emotion about the man who had become a great friend to him in the last 3 years at Celtic shows just how much of the real spirit of Celtic Tommy Burns had passed on to them.
Mention must also be made with regard to the way that the rangers' coaching staff have reacted with and sincere grief and sorrow at the news of Tommy's passing. It must be hoped that the outpouring of genuine emotion shown by Tommy's former coaching colleagues, Walter Smith, Ally McCoist and Ally McDowall will have an effect on those rangers fans who still live their lives based on centuries old hatred. Tommy Burns transcended the antagonisms of the so-called 'Old Firm'. His life; the attitudes and brotherhood that he promoted are an example to us all.
Tommy - you will never be forgotten by us.
Your spirit lives on in the heart of every Celtic supporter.
Rest In Peace.
I am not often moved to tears but I have found it extremely to difficult to watch any of the news coverage and tributes in the last couple of days without shedding a few tears each time for TB. A basic goodness shone out of every pore of that man and it almost seems like an injustice that such a good person who spread so much joy and happiness around him should be taken from us at such a relatively early age. I will always cherish the memories I have of Tommy as a player; there were few more committed battlers for the Celtic cause, but also he was a fine footballer with a beautiful left pin that scored many a crucial goal from his attacking midfield position. He quite literally lived and breathed this great club of ours.
I was brought up in my early years in the Calton (my first primary school was, like Tommy's, St Mary's Primary) before our tenement was demolished and my family moved out of the area. By the time I started secondary school at St Mungo's Academy, Tommy was already breaking through the ranks at Celtic. He was well-known among all the lads at school, especially the bhoys that were still living in the Calton area.
During the summer holidays, cos my ma and da worked full-time, I used to go and stay with my auntie who lived in the high flats at Helenvale Street between Celtic Park and the Training Ground behind the CSA Club on London Road. The players used to turn up early in the morning at Celtic Park, get changed and then jog along London Road to the training ground. There would always be a posse of wee bhoys from the high flats waiting for them passing by... this was when there was Lisbon Lions still in the squad, plus guys like Kenny Dalglish and later on, the young Tommy Burns. I always remember that the players would always stop if a kid asked them something about the next match, or for an autograph. My memory of guys like Jinky, King Kenny and TB was standing watching as they passed, being completely in awe of them. They'd come by with their studs clicking on the concrete pavement and always say "Awright Wee Man..." as they passed.
Anyway, years later, before TB came back as manager of Celtic, I was standing selling TÁL at Hampden (pretty sure it was a cup final match) and Tommy Burns and other members of his family came by, he stopped to buy a fanzine and I said "It's ok Tommy, you don't have to pay..." and gave him one. He said. "Thanks very much Wee Man..." As he walked away, I shouted, "You've been calling me Wee Man for 25 years..." and he shouts back, "Aye, but you've been wee for more than 25 years!"
When he took over as manager he was always available to the fans, just as he was when he was a player. I remember him sitting down with me and my mate when we were following Celtic on a pre-season tour of Germany in 1995 while he was manager. We'd asked him and the players to sign a 'Celtic Fans Against Fascism' T-shirt and Tommy said that he didn't see the point as he didn't think the club had any real problem with racism or fascism. We agreed with him, but pointed out that was because folk like us had been vigilant about it by reinforcing the traditions of the club and its own immigrant roots. Next thing he's sitting having a political discussion with us and then he turns round and says, "Ok lads, you've convinced me to sign it - give me the T-shirt and I'll get a few of the players to sign it as well."
That's the kind of guy he was, never dismissive, never aloof, always prepared to sit down with the supporters.... and that is why he is universally loved by the whole Celtic family around the world. Guys like Tommy Burns are few and far between these days at Celtic Park, but he more than anyone else has left us his legacy in the youth academy and the young players that he personally nurtured over the last few years who have now, like him in his time, broken through the ranks and into the first team squad. Those players bear a heavy burden of responsibility if they intend to emulate and become true Celtic Legends like Tommy Burns. The dignity shown so far by the players and the manager Gordon Strachan who I thought spoke with tremendous emotion about the man who had become a great friend to him in the last 3 years at Celtic shows just how much of the real spirit of Celtic Tommy Burns had passed on to them.
Mention must also be made with regard to the way that the rangers' coaching staff have reacted with and sincere grief and sorrow at the news of Tommy's passing. It must be hoped that the outpouring of genuine emotion shown by Tommy's former coaching colleagues, Walter Smith, Ally McCoist and Ally McDowall will have an effect on those rangers fans who still live their lives based on centuries old hatred. Tommy Burns transcended the antagonisms of the so-called 'Old Firm'. His life; the attitudes and brotherhood that he promoted are an example to us all.
Tommy - you will never be forgotten by us.
Your spirit lives on in the heart of every Celtic supporter.
Rest In Peace.
Countdown to Big Showdown
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could be argued that Saturdays clash at The Reichstag is a game Celtic
don't necessarily have to win if they are to complete three in a row
for the first time in more than thirty years, but it is undoubtedly one
that they can't afford to lose. Despite being three points off the summit and having played a game more, with two clashes against the Huns still to come at Celtic Park, a draw at the Reichstag wouldn't be the worst result in the world but a win has to be the clear objective. Needless to say a maximum return would be a huge pshycological boost for all in Green and White. Much will depend on who plays and in what formation, but it would be nice to think that the Ginger one has both a game plan as well as knowing in his own mind what his starting eleven will be for the lunchtime fixture. However it is unlikely he will show his hand between now and then which will keep us all guessing right up until the 12.30pm kick off time. What isn't open to debate is that Celtic will need to produce the sort of performance and passion that has been missing for much of the season thus far if they are to come away with anything. Only in the three home Champions league victories as well as the final qualifier against Spartak Moscow did Celtic compete at the level which they are expected to do so and which we know they are capable of. The fact that they haven't done so since is a poor reflection on Strachans motivational qualities but thankfully for him (and us) he has an opportunity to redeem himself. Only time will tell if he does and whether the Championship will remain a realistic aspiration after this weekend. This entry to the TAL Blog by Holloway Gael. | |||
LET THE PEOPLE SING!
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The Editorial Group of TAL Fanzine (Tiocfaidh Ár Lá ? For Celtic &
Ireland) have been discussing for some time an ambitious project - Let
The People Sing - which we intend to launch at the beginning of next
season.
The initial launch of the LTPS campaign will involve a Limited Edition CD to be distributed free with every copy of TAL purchased at the first home game of next season. The CD will be a rebel folk music collection with all the best rebel bands involved. It will also feature a couple of new ?terrace medley? tracks that will be specially recorded and exclusive to TAL.
Bands and musicians already supporting the project and committing a track to the CD include; Shebeen, Gary Og, Seanchai, Damien Quinn (Justice), The Wakes, Declan McLaughlin, Celtic Storm, The Bog Savages, Tullamore Tree, Padraig Mor (Saoirse), Podgie (Shebeen) and more to be announced. More artists will be added to this list in the near future.
The philosophy behind the campaign is to reclaim some of the political and cultural ground that has been lost by our supporters in the PLC's drive to eradicate a part of the Irish identity of Celtic and its supporters. Local newspaper reports from the 1920's and 1930's often referred to the arrival of Celtic Brake Clubs (early supporters clubs) at matches being accompanied with a chorus of 'God Save Ireland'. In the 1960's and 1970's songs like Sean Sabhat, and The Holy Ground were popular among those who frequented The Jungle. It is this tradition that we aim to celebrate with the CD, we see no reason to hide from it, or to apologise for what is an essential part of what makes us Celtic supporters, members of the Irish community in Scotland ? and for a significant section, supporters of the Irish republican cause. It is, to all intents and purposes, the essence of what it is to be a Celtic supporter.
In order to finance the free CD project we estimate that we need to raise £2000.
We need your help. Through our internet forum (http://talfanzine.galacforums.com/) inside 7 days of announcing our intentions, our members have already raised 50% of the target in donations and pledges.
All funds raised will go into the LTPS project. No money will be squandered or go into the pockets of individuals. All records of what we raise will be published on our online internet forum as the donations come in.
We are appealing to you as a fellow Celtic supporter who may have some sympathy with the objectives of Let The People Sing to consider making a donation towards the LTPS project which seeks to promote the cultural and political identity of our club and its supporters.
We feel that, at this time, a project such as this is sorely needed in the face of the increasing commercialism of the PLC and their ongoing campaign to depoliticise the Celtic support, as could be witnessed by the hysterical overreaction of the club and press to the recent comments made by the chair of The Celtic Trust regarding the popularity, historical legacy and tradition of Irish ballads among our supporters.
It's high time that the rebels fought back.
Please make a donation to the fund via Paypal to:
talfanzine@googlemail.com
Or by cheque/postal order (payable to CSC) to:
TAL BOOKS
BM BOX 266
LONDON
WC1N 3XX
The initial launch of the LTPS campaign will involve a Limited Edition CD to be distributed free with every copy of TAL purchased at the first home game of next season. The CD will be a rebel folk music collection with all the best rebel bands involved. It will also feature a couple of new ?terrace medley? tracks that will be specially recorded and exclusive to TAL.
Bands and musicians already supporting the project and committing a track to the CD include; Shebeen, Gary Og, Seanchai, Damien Quinn (Justice), The Wakes, Declan McLaughlin, Celtic Storm, The Bog Savages, Tullamore Tree, Padraig Mor (Saoirse), Podgie (Shebeen) and more to be announced. More artists will be added to this list in the near future.
The philosophy behind the campaign is to reclaim some of the political and cultural ground that has been lost by our supporters in the PLC's drive to eradicate a part of the Irish identity of Celtic and its supporters. Local newspaper reports from the 1920's and 1930's often referred to the arrival of Celtic Brake Clubs (early supporters clubs) at matches being accompanied with a chorus of 'God Save Ireland'. In the 1960's and 1970's songs like Sean Sabhat, and The Holy Ground were popular among those who frequented The Jungle. It is this tradition that we aim to celebrate with the CD, we see no reason to hide from it, or to apologise for what is an essential part of what makes us Celtic supporters, members of the Irish community in Scotland ? and for a significant section, supporters of the Irish republican cause. It is, to all intents and purposes, the essence of what it is to be a Celtic supporter.
In order to finance the free CD project we estimate that we need to raise £2000.
We need your help. Through our internet forum (http://talfanzine.galacforums.com/) inside 7 days of announcing our intentions, our members have already raised 50% of the target in donations and pledges.
All funds raised will go into the LTPS project. No money will be squandered or go into the pockets of individuals. All records of what we raise will be published on our online internet forum as the donations come in.
We are appealing to you as a fellow Celtic supporter who may have some sympathy with the objectives of Let The People Sing to consider making a donation towards the LTPS project which seeks to promote the cultural and political identity of our club and its supporters.
We feel that, at this time, a project such as this is sorely needed in the face of the increasing commercialism of the PLC and their ongoing campaign to depoliticise the Celtic support, as could be witnessed by the hysterical overreaction of the club and press to the recent comments made by the chair of The Celtic Trust regarding the popularity, historical legacy and tradition of Irish ballads among our supporters.
It's high time that the rebels fought back.
Please make a donation to the fund via Paypal to:
talfanzine@googlemail.com
Or by cheque/postal order (payable to CSC) to:
TAL BOOKS
BM BOX 266
LONDON
WC1N 3XX
TÁL Interviewed by Class War
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Here's the interview with TÁL that appears in the latest issue of the political newspaper CLASS WAR - www.londonclasswar.org - The paper can be bought for £1.50 from Class War, PO BOX 467, London, E8 3QX.
Can you give a brief history of TAL and where it's going now so much is changing at Celtic Park?
The formation of TAL and Celtic Fans Against Fascism was really the culmination of our reaction against the racism of our own supporters towards rangers? signing of the Black English player Mark Walters in the late 1980?s. In the first game that Walters played for rangers at Celtic Park, many of our fans made monkey chants and threw bananas on to the trackside. That day was one of the most depressing for the militant anti-fascists and republicans among our support. Although it took another couple of years before the fanzine was established, it was our determination to address that kind of racism among our own fans that spurred us on. Our approach was simple. We were supporters of the Irish republican struggle and identified with the militant approach of AFA. We also sought to champion the idea of democratising the club, campaigning to put the most important people ? the fans ? in control of the club. It was also important from the anti-racist point of view to highlight the history of the club as a football team that grew out of an immigrant community. The Irish in Scotland were themselves the victims of racism and discrimination. Therefore, it was hypocritical, to say the least, for the second and third generation of that immigrant community to be the perpetrators of racism.
Within a short space of time the situation was transformed with the majority of our fans recognising this incongruity and identifying with the victims of racism. This in turn led to large sections of Celtic supporters either drowning out or directly confronting the racists within our own support. Within a relatively short space of time the situation had been completely reversed with the anti-fascists and anti-racists now in the majority and any public displays of racism stamped out quickly and efficiently. The most important aspect of all of that period is that we won the political argument with the majority of fans, as well any physical confrontations with racists that resulted. In the end, it really became ?anti-Celtic? to be a racist, with our fans now taking a pride in their progressive attitudes to politics and struggle. Our reputation grew as a result and we established good relations with like-minded supporters from various clubs such as St Pauli, Athletic Bilbao, Bordeaux, Juventus, Anderlecht and Manchester United.
An equally important issue for us was our support for the Irish republican struggle, which impacted upon Celtic supporters because of the Irish family backgrounds that so many of us shared. For us, the war in Ireland was a litmus test of political mettle. Some of us had been involved in conservative left-wing groups in the past and had broken from them largely because of the Brit Left?s cowardice and inability to take the side of the oppressed people of the 6 Counties against the British occupation. It was therefore essential that TÁL clearly expressed its support for the republican people and their struggle to get the Brits out, by any means necessary.
To bring things up to date, we had decided on the publication of our 40th issue in 2005 to call it a day after13 years. One reason behind that decision was the changed political situation in Ireland; another was the changing nature of Celtic as a club, with it becoming a global capitalist institution, making it more and more difficult for the politically motivated fans to maintain our identity and organisation. However, after about 18 months there was such a demand for TÁL to refill the political vacuum that we had left that we felt it our duty to return to the fray. In that short time, however, we had gained allies from a new, younger generation of Celtic fans who had formed the Ultras group, Green Brigade. These were young fans who had grown up reading TÁL and whilst maybe not being as militant in every way as ourselves, still identified clearly with the Irish republican and anti-fascist culture that TÁL promoted. In addition, we recruited more people to take part in the Editorial Group of the fanzine. The fanzine editorial group includes Green Brigaders, anti-fascists, republicans, communists, militant trade unionists and those with no political affiliation. The things that bind us all are the love of our football team, the political culture of the supporters and our commitment to anti-sectarianism, anti-racism and anti-fascism.
So, we decided to republish the fanzine in a smaller 32 page A5 format and have produced 2 issues in the last 6 months, moving towards it coming out every 8 weeks during the season. The comment in the fanzine is still hard-hitting politically and, from a club and football point of view, we are still the biggest thorn in the side of Celtic PLC and their globalist ambitions.
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How have you been able to maintain your group/fanzine when others ? such as Red Attitude at Manchester United, have collapsed?
I think we were different because we had a bigger political sea in which to swim at Celtic Park. Celtic fans are generally quite liberal, which you?ll have witnessed if you?ve ever been away in Europe with our supporters! TAL was going through an already open door because there are a lot of our supporters who are politically aware and who have opinions across a range of issues. Politics is part of the club?s foundations with the link to Michael Davit and other Irish republicans being there at the start and continuing throughout its history, certainly among the fans, if not among the hierarchy of the club today. To be talking about the future of our club and its heritage alongside articles about the latest moves in republican political strategy is completely natural to us. We have heated discussions about the last game on our website, where almost no-one agrees. We have Che Guevara articles and posters in our fanzine alongside what many might see as football tittle-tattle, but then we also have serious analysis of our club, it?s identity, the slow bleeding of the working class base of the support. Plus there are always articles and interviews with anti-fascist ultras groups from around the world and the occasional hooligan interview like the Cliftonville Lunatic Fringe in our current edition. We still play our part in the fan culture at Celtic, politically and socially. TAL was re-launched last season and so far the response has been great. Our fanzine sales at the ground are usually pretty good.
Gerry Adams sees the peace process as a step towards a united Ireland, whilst Ian Paisley argues it settles the question of the union - permanently. How can they both be right?
Well, they can?t both be right and that?s the dilemma that they will both have to face up to at some point. I don?t have any big analysis to offer of Irish politics. Republicans are in government in the 6 Counties. Had they not taken their eye off the ball in the recent 26 County Election they might also be in government there too. It?s important that the working class base of republicanism is maintained and that, in addition to all the grand talk about national consensus and the reunification of the country by 2016, bread and butter issues are put to the fore of republican politics, or the working class composition of the movement will diminish. That aside, Sinn Fein are now in seats of power in Stormont and they?ll be judged on what they achieve there.
Ireland is changing so drastically, is it likely to lead to denying it's own history and identity or is it a positive. Recent events at Croke Park seemed to suggest that many of the Irish rugby fans were oblivious to what had even happened there in the past, others seemed to prefer to forget and let bygones be bygones.
Father Jack might say, ?That would be an ecumenical matter?.?
Ireland is changing in many ways, but its unfair to describe those changes as drastic, it is a process that has been going on over many years and owes more to its membership of the European Union than it does to any new political thinking on the part Fine Gael or Fianna Fail. The growth of Sinn Fein in both the six and twenty six counties is undoubtedly a major factor in that change and a real and welcome challenge to the political status quo on the island of Ireland.
The decision by the GAA to open up Croke Park for use by other sporting bodies such as the Football Association of Ireland and Irish Rugby Football Union along with the implementation of the Good Friday Agreement is seen by many as an example of a 'New Modern Ireland'. However, to use such a term simply panders to negative stereotypical visions of an 'Old Ireland' full of Shamrock and Shillelaghs.
If the GAA's decision to open up Croker has contributed to the education of those who were unaware of the historical significance of the venue during the war of independence then it is welcome. And those who choose to disregard the events that took place there on 21st November 1920 are as much the enemy of Irish Republicanism as British rule in Ireland.
As for the country's history and identity, quite simply, too much was invested by those who fought for an Ireland that they would never live to see, for it to be denied. However, it?s history and identity can only be truly recognised when the aspiration of a United Ireland has finally been achieved, until then we will continue to honour its past and help in whatever way we can to shape its future.
What groups would you recommend to anti-fascist football fans today?
Well, to our own supporters we?d obviously recommend Celtic Fans Against Fascism, which we started ourselves and which has been at the forefront of anti-fascist, anti-racist and anti-sectarian campaigns at Celtic for about 16 years.
The Independent Working Class Association; because we have to rebuild our communities from the bottom up and the IWCA seem to have an approach to the working class that is unique on the left and which seeks to politically empower our communities. An organisation like the IWCA can politically compete with the fascists for ?hearts and minds? in working class areas, as well as the obvious benefit that their democratic approach puts political space between their methods and those of the old left; fighting for the rights of all and facilities for the use of all, not for sectional interests based on the racial segregation of our communities, something that the left?s attachment to the philosophy of multiculturalism has shamefully encouraged rather than fought against.
I?ve met some people from Antifa and they were sound. It all depends on the political circumstances in particular areas, the threat posed by the fascists and the calibre of the anti-fascist activists available ? you have to tailor your strategy and tactics accordingly. Fight when you can win? and if you cant win, don?t fight! There will be other days. It?s a simple formula that brought AFA a lot of success against the fascists.
I don?t believe in ghost-hunts or wild goose chases for invisible fash or NFers that go around with double the numbers of police guarding them. There?s very little street presence of fascists on parade anywhere, so it?s important to be fighting them in working class communities where they are politically active. That means anti-fascism must learn to politically adapt.
There is such an amazing bond between Celtic fans and St.Pauli fans, why has this happened and can it be replicated elsewhere?
It started in 1992 very soon after our fanzine was founded. Some of the St Pauli fans had contact with less political elements from another fanzine, but they contacted us and expressed the many things that we shared in common, from football culture and music to support for anti-fascism and the Irish struggle. The bond between the fans is unbreakable now. We can have political disagreements with them and they with us on many issues, but there remains at root an anti-fascist attitude that has strength in depth. It?s social attitudes, politics and football that is the real affinity. And it?s outside of the control of the football bosses, even though they now try to commercialise it with a merchandising deal between the clubs. Celtic PLC have no understanding of the unbreakable bonds that exist between TAL and the anti-fascists at St Pauli.
We also have good links, going back over many years now, with Herri Norte Taldea (HNT) the militant anti-fascists from Athletic Bilbao. We went over to Bilbao earlier this year to help celebrate the 25th Anniversary of their group. These are solid working class football fans with militant anti-fascist attitudes combined with a strong support for the independence struggle in the Basque Country.
Do you ever see events like those at Manchester United occurring with sections of fans leaving to set up their own club?
No. A similar situation to that of FC United, where an ?FC Celtic? might be started up by a section of disgruntled fans, just won?t happen at our club. The essential belief among our supporters is - regardless of share deals and big business interests - that the club belongs to the fans. That sentiment is still very strong at Celtic; that we are a working class club, founded by Irish immigrants, whose sons, daughters and grandchildren have had to put with a lot of shit just to get on in life. The experience of Celtic supporters is very much tied in with the whole experience of being part of a ?minority community? in Scotland. The club is seen to be an extension of that community. Whatever happens in future with regard to supporters? movements at Celtic Park, I believe it will happen inside the club, not outside of it. It was the commitment of our fans that saved this club in the past and we still want to see OUR club democratised. Ultimately we have the Barcelona model to work towards. It?s not a perfect solution, but it does provide an example where its supporters can at least partially democratically control a club; a club that can embrace with pride its Catalan identity and relate to the political and cultural aspirations of its fans. That?s what we want to see at Celtic; a club based in Scotland that is at ease with its Irish identity and the working class politics and culture of its fans.
Can you give a brief history of TAL and where it's going now so much is changing at Celtic Park?
The formation of TAL and Celtic Fans Against Fascism was really the culmination of our reaction against the racism of our own supporters towards rangers? signing of the Black English player Mark Walters in the late 1980?s. In the first game that Walters played for rangers at Celtic Park, many of our fans made monkey chants and threw bananas on to the trackside. That day was one of the most depressing for the militant anti-fascists and republicans among our support. Although it took another couple of years before the fanzine was established, it was our determination to address that kind of racism among our own fans that spurred us on. Our approach was simple. We were supporters of the Irish republican struggle and identified with the militant approach of AFA. We also sought to champion the idea of democratising the club, campaigning to put the most important people ? the fans ? in control of the club. It was also important from the anti-racist point of view to highlight the history of the club as a football team that grew out of an immigrant community. The Irish in Scotland were themselves the victims of racism and discrimination. Therefore, it was hypocritical, to say the least, for the second and third generation of that immigrant community to be the perpetrators of racism.
Within a short space of time the situation was transformed with the majority of our fans recognising this incongruity and identifying with the victims of racism. This in turn led to large sections of Celtic supporters either drowning out or directly confronting the racists within our own support. Within a relatively short space of time the situation had been completely reversed with the anti-fascists and anti-racists now in the majority and any public displays of racism stamped out quickly and efficiently. The most important aspect of all of that period is that we won the political argument with the majority of fans, as well any physical confrontations with racists that resulted. In the end, it really became ?anti-Celtic? to be a racist, with our fans now taking a pride in their progressive attitudes to politics and struggle. Our reputation grew as a result and we established good relations with like-minded supporters from various clubs such as St Pauli, Athletic Bilbao, Bordeaux, Juventus, Anderlecht and Manchester United.
An equally important issue for us was our support for the Irish republican struggle, which impacted upon Celtic supporters because of the Irish family backgrounds that so many of us shared. For us, the war in Ireland was a litmus test of political mettle. Some of us had been involved in conservative left-wing groups in the past and had broken from them largely because of the Brit Left?s cowardice and inability to take the side of the oppressed people of the 6 Counties against the British occupation. It was therefore essential that TÁL clearly expressed its support for the republican people and their struggle to get the Brits out, by any means necessary.
To bring things up to date, we had decided on the publication of our 40th issue in 2005 to call it a day after13 years. One reason behind that decision was the changed political situation in Ireland; another was the changing nature of Celtic as a club, with it becoming a global capitalist institution, making it more and more difficult for the politically motivated fans to maintain our identity and organisation. However, after about 18 months there was such a demand for TÁL to refill the political vacuum that we had left that we felt it our duty to return to the fray. In that short time, however, we had gained allies from a new, younger generation of Celtic fans who had formed the Ultras group, Green Brigade. These were young fans who had grown up reading TÁL and whilst maybe not being as militant in every way as ourselves, still identified clearly with the Irish republican and anti-fascist culture that TÁL promoted. In addition, we recruited more people to take part in the Editorial Group of the fanzine. The fanzine editorial group includes Green Brigaders, anti-fascists, republicans, communists, militant trade unionists and those with no political affiliation. The things that bind us all are the love of our football team, the political culture of the supporters and our commitment to anti-sectarianism, anti-racism and anti-fascism.
So, we decided to republish the fanzine in a smaller 32 page A5 format and have produced 2 issues in the last 6 months, moving towards it coming out every 8 weeks during the season. The comment in the fanzine is still hard-hitting politically and, from a club and football point of view, we are still the biggest thorn in the side of Celtic PLC and their globalist ambitions.
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How have you been able to maintain your group/fanzine when others ? such as Red Attitude at Manchester United, have collapsed?
I think we were different because we had a bigger political sea in which to swim at Celtic Park. Celtic fans are generally quite liberal, which you?ll have witnessed if you?ve ever been away in Europe with our supporters! TAL was going through an already open door because there are a lot of our supporters who are politically aware and who have opinions across a range of issues. Politics is part of the club?s foundations with the link to Michael Davit and other Irish republicans being there at the start and continuing throughout its history, certainly among the fans, if not among the hierarchy of the club today. To be talking about the future of our club and its heritage alongside articles about the latest moves in republican political strategy is completely natural to us. We have heated discussions about the last game on our website, where almost no-one agrees. We have Che Guevara articles and posters in our fanzine alongside what many might see as football tittle-tattle, but then we also have serious analysis of our club, it?s identity, the slow bleeding of the working class base of the support. Plus there are always articles and interviews with anti-fascist ultras groups from around the world and the occasional hooligan interview like the Cliftonville Lunatic Fringe in our current edition. We still play our part in the fan culture at Celtic, politically and socially. TAL was re-launched last season and so far the response has been great. Our fanzine sales at the ground are usually pretty good.
Gerry Adams sees the peace process as a step towards a united Ireland, whilst Ian Paisley argues it settles the question of the union - permanently. How can they both be right?
Well, they can?t both be right and that?s the dilemma that they will both have to face up to at some point. I don?t have any big analysis to offer of Irish politics. Republicans are in government in the 6 Counties. Had they not taken their eye off the ball in the recent 26 County Election they might also be in government there too. It?s important that the working class base of republicanism is maintained and that, in addition to all the grand talk about national consensus and the reunification of the country by 2016, bread and butter issues are put to the fore of republican politics, or the working class composition of the movement will diminish. That aside, Sinn Fein are now in seats of power in Stormont and they?ll be judged on what they achieve there.
Ireland is changing so drastically, is it likely to lead to denying it's own history and identity or is it a positive. Recent events at Croke Park seemed to suggest that many of the Irish rugby fans were oblivious to what had even happened there in the past, others seemed to prefer to forget and let bygones be bygones.
Father Jack might say, ?That would be an ecumenical matter?.?
Ireland is changing in many ways, but its unfair to describe those changes as drastic, it is a process that has been going on over many years and owes more to its membership of the European Union than it does to any new political thinking on the part Fine Gael or Fianna Fail. The growth of Sinn Fein in both the six and twenty six counties is undoubtedly a major factor in that change and a real and welcome challenge to the political status quo on the island of Ireland.
The decision by the GAA to open up Croke Park for use by other sporting bodies such as the Football Association of Ireland and Irish Rugby Football Union along with the implementation of the Good Friday Agreement is seen by many as an example of a 'New Modern Ireland'. However, to use such a term simply panders to negative stereotypical visions of an 'Old Ireland' full of Shamrock and Shillelaghs.
If the GAA's decision to open up Croker has contributed to the education of those who were unaware of the historical significance of the venue during the war of independence then it is welcome. And those who choose to disregard the events that took place there on 21st November 1920 are as much the enemy of Irish Republicanism as British rule in Ireland.
As for the country's history and identity, quite simply, too much was invested by those who fought for an Ireland that they would never live to see, for it to be denied. However, it?s history and identity can only be truly recognised when the aspiration of a United Ireland has finally been achieved, until then we will continue to honour its past and help in whatever way we can to shape its future.
What groups would you recommend to anti-fascist football fans today?
Well, to our own supporters we?d obviously recommend Celtic Fans Against Fascism, which we started ourselves and which has been at the forefront of anti-fascist, anti-racist and anti-sectarian campaigns at Celtic for about 16 years.
The Independent Working Class Association; because we have to rebuild our communities from the bottom up and the IWCA seem to have an approach to the working class that is unique on the left and which seeks to politically empower our communities. An organisation like the IWCA can politically compete with the fascists for ?hearts and minds? in working class areas, as well as the obvious benefit that their democratic approach puts political space between their methods and those of the old left; fighting for the rights of all and facilities for the use of all, not for sectional interests based on the racial segregation of our communities, something that the left?s attachment to the philosophy of multiculturalism has shamefully encouraged rather than fought against.
I?ve met some people from Antifa and they were sound. It all depends on the political circumstances in particular areas, the threat posed by the fascists and the calibre of the anti-fascist activists available ? you have to tailor your strategy and tactics accordingly. Fight when you can win? and if you cant win, don?t fight! There will be other days. It?s a simple formula that brought AFA a lot of success against the fascists.
I don?t believe in ghost-hunts or wild goose chases for invisible fash or NFers that go around with double the numbers of police guarding them. There?s very little street presence of fascists on parade anywhere, so it?s important to be fighting them in working class communities where they are politically active. That means anti-fascism must learn to politically adapt.
There is such an amazing bond between Celtic fans and St.Pauli fans, why has this happened and can it be replicated elsewhere?
It started in 1992 very soon after our fanzine was founded. Some of the St Pauli fans had contact with less political elements from another fanzine, but they contacted us and expressed the many things that we shared in common, from football culture and music to support for anti-fascism and the Irish struggle. The bond between the fans is unbreakable now. We can have political disagreements with them and they with us on many issues, but there remains at root an anti-fascist attitude that has strength in depth. It?s social attitudes, politics and football that is the real affinity. And it?s outside of the control of the football bosses, even though they now try to commercialise it with a merchandising deal between the clubs. Celtic PLC have no understanding of the unbreakable bonds that exist between TAL and the anti-fascists at St Pauli.
We also have good links, going back over many years now, with Herri Norte Taldea (HNT) the militant anti-fascists from Athletic Bilbao. We went over to Bilbao earlier this year to help celebrate the 25th Anniversary of their group. These are solid working class football fans with militant anti-fascist attitudes combined with a strong support for the independence struggle in the Basque Country.
Do you ever see events like those at Manchester United occurring with sections of fans leaving to set up their own club?
No. A similar situation to that of FC United, where an ?FC Celtic? might be started up by a section of disgruntled fans, just won?t happen at our club. The essential belief among our supporters is - regardless of share deals and big business interests - that the club belongs to the fans. That sentiment is still very strong at Celtic; that we are a working class club, founded by Irish immigrants, whose sons, daughters and grandchildren have had to put with a lot of shit just to get on in life. The experience of Celtic supporters is very much tied in with the whole experience of being part of a ?minority community? in Scotland. The club is seen to be an extension of that community. Whatever happens in future with regard to supporters? movements at Celtic Park, I believe it will happen inside the club, not outside of it. It was the commitment of our fans that saved this club in the past and we still want to see OUR club democratised. Ultimately we have the Barcelona model to work towards. It?s not a perfect solution, but it does provide an example where its supporters can at least partially democratically control a club; a club that can embrace with pride its Catalan identity and relate to the political and cultural aspirations of its fans. That?s what we want to see at Celtic; a club based in Scotland that is at ease with its Irish identity and the working class politics and culture of its fans.
JOHN REID - 'WAR CRIMINAL' TAKES CELTIC CHAIR
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It has recently been announced that former Cabinet Minister John Reid
will become the next chairman of Celtic. So what of the man who will
replace Brian Quinn?
John Reid was born in the mining village of Cardowan in May 1947, the son of a postman and a factory worker, humble roots which he makes much capital of. He was an unremarkable student who left school at 16 to become an insurance clerk and married his childhood sweetheart Cathie McGowan before going to Stirling University as a mature student aged 24.
Although the married Reid was well-known for his womanising and a disposition to sing Irish rebel songs in the students? union bar, he became even more prominent when elected as president of the students? union. It was during these elections that Reid?s reputation as a careerist was born, standing as the communist candidate despite the reservations of the party on campus. Jim White, secretary of the Young Communist League now reflects that Reid was an ?opportunist? while Ken Ferguson, another former student comrade, says that ?he wasn?t political?. Reid won, but soon switched sides. The Guardian?s Tom Bower says that ?financial imperatives had persuaded him to abandon the communists for Labour?. Such ruthless ambition and an absence of any real conviction became the hallmark of Reid?s career.
As he made the switch from student politics to the real thing (making his name as a researcher and speech-writer for Neil Kinnock) he found old habits died hard. Reid continued in his lecherous ways and the Mail on Sunday recently revealed that he pestered fellow Labour MP Dawn Primarolo for sex. Not content with a very public rejection in a Berlin hotel bar on an All-Party trip, witnessed by stunned Parliamentary colleagues, Reid is thought to have harassed Primarolo over a number of years. He famously declared, to her understandable disgust, that ?I want to have sex with you, I want to f**k you, you want it as well?. The reformed alcoholic proved himself to be just as eloquent sober, introducing himself to his second wife, the Brazilian film-maker Carine Adler, by telling her ?I?ve been admiring your a***?.
Reid?s aggression was not confined to sexual harassment and he first came to public attention by drunkenly attacking an attendant in Parliament. His political fortunes improved after beating the bottle but his reputation as a bully was only enhanced and it was no surprise that after New Labour?s landslide election victory in 1997 Reid was rewarded for his loyalty to new leader Tony Blair by his appointment as Armed Forces Minister. Reid happily posed as Action Man on a British Army tank.
By 1999 Reid was in Blair?s Cabinet, given the job of Secretary of State for Scotland. And here it gets very interesting. Investigating the lobbyists who try to influence our elected representatives The Observer newspaper filmed John Reid?s 24 year-old son Kevin boasting to potential clients ?I know the Secretary of State very, very well, because he?s my father?. Once the story broke Kevin Reid?s usefulness to his employer, Beattie Media, was outlived and his short career as a lobbyist was over just a few months after it had begun. His father had more of a direct influence in his previous job though this too was mired in controversy. New Labour was struggling to finance its election campaign for the inaugural Scottish Parliament when John Reid came upon a novel idea: Kevin and two others could join the election campaign staff and be put ?through the books? as researchers for Scottish Labour MPs (Reid among them) and therefore have their wages paid by Westminster. The ruse was uncovered and Elizabeth Filkin, the Parliamentary Commissioner for Standards, severely censured Reid for abusing his privileged position. In the course of the investigation Reid was taped intimidating party colleagues to get their stories straight and Filkin found that he was guilty of ?threats of a particularly disturbing kind?.
Reid later took on the role of Health Secretary and was responsible for handing Labour donor Paul Drayson?s pharmaceutical company a £32m government contract. Despite requests under the Freedom of Information Act to disclose information on how the contract was awarded Reid?s department refused to do so. The Parliamentary Ombudsman quite understandably viewed this as a ?matter of great concern?.
And so we come to Dermot Desmond, the power behind the chairman?s throne. Desmond?s ?vehicle management solutions? company Venson is a generous donor to New Labour, giving £34, 375 earlier this year. This probably comes as no surprise, since they?ve benefited from the government?s Private Finance Initiative policy to the tune of lucrative contracts with Nottingham Police, Merseyside Fire Service and the East Anglia Ambulance Fund. According to the register of MPs? interests Desmond?s generosity also stretched to flying John Reid to the 2007 Scottish Cup Final. Reid also reports that he was taken, all-expenses-paid, to the Uefa Cup semi-final second leg away to Boavista, and the final in Seville itself, as a guest of the Club.
Dermot Desmond, of course, didn?t get rich by giving his money away and John Reid wasn?t the first politician to be showered with gifts by the billionaire. Desmond is known to have made secret payment to the off-shore account of Charlie Haughey, the disgraced former Taoiseach, and spent £75,000 on a lavish refit of Haughey?s private yacht. The Moriarty Tribunal into Haughey?s conduct said it was a ?reasonable inference that Mr Desmond?s motive for making these payments was connected with the public office of Taoiseach?. Desmond?s business interests extend to financing biometrics company Daon, who are in the business of airport security and have recently linked up with the American Association of Airport Executives to develop tamperproof ID cards. John Reid, whose last brief in Blair?s Cabinet was as a Home Secretary responsible for security issues, is co-incidently the foremost champion of ID cards in Britain. When Dean Nelson, the editor of the Scottish edition of the Sunday Times commented that Reid?s ethos is ?not about making life better for the working class ? [but] ? about looking after yourself and your mates and not being accountable to anyone? it didn?t come as too much of a shock to those who?ve followed Reid?s career so when the story broke linking Reid to the chairman?s job at Celtic Park its tone was just as unsurprising. The Daily Telegraph report "The appointment of Mr Reid, 60, has been pushed for by Dermot Desmond, the Irish entrepreneur who is the largest shareholder in the club. Mr Reid might also become involved in the airport security company, Daon, which is backed by Mr Desmond. Sources said the financier is keen to get access to Mr Reid's formidable contacts book, which includes people such as America's head of Homeland Security, Michael Chertoff."
Desmond?s attraction to appointing Reid, who remarked ?when Tony Blair asks me to do something, I?ll do it?, is fairly evident. But the unsuitability of Reid, the sex pest, bully and lackey, for the post extends even beyond the likelihood that his appointment would render our club nothing but a convenient pawn in a billionaire?s business plan.
After being moved from his position as Scottish Secretary in the wake of Lobbygate Reid took on the role of Secretary of State for ?Northern Ireland?. Upon his appointment he declared himself ?a Catholic, a Brit, a Celtic supporter and a unionist". This Catholic, Celtic-supporting Brit certainly nailed his colours to the unionist mast, suspending the power-sharing Stormont Executive when an alleged ?IRA spy-ring? was uncovered in October 2002. Reid, who was ultimately responsible for intelligence gathering in the north of Ireland, watched on as 200 RUC/PSNI officers raided homes across nationalist west Belfast. Despite several arrests in a blaze of publicity all charges laid were later dropped and it later became clear that the principle ?suspect?, Denis Donaldson, was an RUC Special Branch informer. Sinn Fein?s Martin McGuinness rather astutely observed that ?what we are seeing is John Reid effectively taking up the demands of the unionist political leadership who have already very clearly stated they are opposed to the Good Friday Agreement?.
Into the power vacuum created by Reid stepped Ian ?A Protestant Parliament for a Protestant people? Paisley?s Democratic Unionist Party and the power-sharing institutions have only recently been restored. Reid became the British direct ruler in Ireland and befriended Ronnie Flanagan, the then Chief Constable of the RUC/PSNI. Under Flanagan?s watch the RUC colluded with loyalist paramilitaries in the murders of republicans and nationalists, and those unionists who opposed the loyalist?s reign of terror were also seen as fair game. Mark Thompson, spokesman for the campaigning Relatives for Justice group says that responsibility for state murder lies ?squarely with the British government? and Reid later gave his own seal of approval to state-sponsored murder in the north of Ireland by commissioning Flanagan to review the capabilities of the Iraqi police in December 2005.
Flanagan would no doubt feel quite at ease in this role - after all comparisons could be drawn with his old stomping ground in the Six Counties, as Iraq too is occupied by an Imperial power and the police ranks are swelled by sectarian bigots. While Flanagan?s hands were bloodied as his police force murdered with impunity in Ireland, John Reid?s bloody imprint is all over the occupation of Iraq. When the late Robin Cook took a principled stand against the proposed war and resigned from government, there was only one man Tony Blair was going to call to replace him as Leader of the House of Commons, John Reid, the ?attack dog? of New Labour. Reid?s main task was to make sure MPs were ?on message? and voted for the illegal, immoral war. Tragically he was successful.
After a brief spell as Health Secretary, when he displayed his financial acumen by striking a deal over consultants pay that many feel is responsible for NHS deficits and job cuts (Paul Miller, the British Medical Association?s negotiator during talks with Reid says that he ?under-estimated the huge amounts consultants would earn in overtime?) he became directly responsible for the war crimes committed by the invasion and occupation of Iraq as Defence Secretary. In Reid?s short spell in the role he urged people to be ?slow to condemn? troops who were caught on videotape abusing Iraqi captives and even the previously compliant local administration broke off ties with their British occupiers ? Basra Council in protest at the mistreatment of Iraqi civilians, while the city governor denounced the ?barbaric aggression? of the occupying force. Whilst he was Defence Secretary two cases of war crimes, under the banner of the International Criminal Court, were held before British court martial. Seven soldiers were brought before the court martial on charges relating to the horrific murder of Basra hotel worker Baha Mousa, who had 93 separate injuries inflicted on him. All were acquitted, though Cpl Donald Payne became the first British soldier to be convicted of a war crime after admitting to the inhumane treatment of detainees. The second related to the deliberate drowning of 15 year-old Ahmed Jabber Kareem Ali. While the military trials were ongoing the Tory MP Ben Wallace quite pertinently remarked that ?if we are charging these men with neglect we must recognise that the chain of command does not stop with commanding officers?.
Not that Iraq was Reid?s first brush with war crimes. In the early 1990s he built up a friendship with Radovan Karadzic. Karadzic led the Bosnian Serbs during the Balkan conflict and at its height in 1993 he entertained Reid at a luxury lakeside hotel in Geneva. Perhaps it was during his 3 days holidaying with the mastermind of the Srebrenica massacre that the boy from Cardowan?s appetite for war was whetted. When asked in a recent interview with The Independent about his links to Karadzic Reid could only tersely reply that ?These are matters for the International Criminal Court?. So, too, should John Reid?s crimes in Iraq.
Reid, escaping justice, saw out his Cabinet career with the Home Office portfolio, and it was here his conversion from student lefty was complete as his reactionary policies moved the Sunday Herald?s widely-respected commentator Iain MacWhirter to call him ?an authoritarian of the populist right?. Not content with the vain search for ?weapons of mass destruction? in war-torn Iraq Reid appealed to the ?bombralot of them? sentiments of the Sun?s more excitable readership, arguing for the right of pre-emptive strike (i.e. going to war without being attacked) and refusing to condemn the US?s appalling detention and torture in Guantanamo Bay and its ?extradordinary rendition? flights, which pass through British airports.
His credentials as a reactionary were further strengthened by his irrational immigration policy. When asylum seekers at Harmondsworth detention centre set fire to the camp in protest at the horrendous conditions Reid furiously called it an ?attempt to sabotage the enforcement of our immigration law?. This immigration law was shown to be morally redundant when Reid ordered the forced removal of 32 failed Iraqi asylum seekers, despite their appeals having not been heard (this draconian ?presumption of deportation? was a John Reid invention). The Iraqis, of course, were returned to a war-zone created by Reid and his colleagues. They were more-than-likely picked up in a ?dawn raid?, torn from the communities they called home in the middle of the night. While mainstream Scottish society recoils in horror at dawn raids and the dreadful Dungavel detention centre, where those fleeing persecution and their children are locked up, our working-class hero does not. The then Home Secretary saw political opportunity and happily smiled for the cameras, accompanying police on a 5am raid to drag families from their homes. His ire was not reserved only for asylum seekers, but legal migrants too. In a further sop to the right-wing papers he was to whip up yet more anger, ranting that ?It is unfair that foreigners come to this country and steal our benefits, steal our services and undermine the minimum wage by working?. The only thing undermining the minimum wage, benefits and services, however, was Reid?s illogical capping of migrants from the newly-acceded EU states of Romania and Bulgaria. This meant that while Romanians and Bulgarians were, as EU citizens, allowed to live here, they weren?t allowed to legally work ? meaning less taxes and a pool of illegal workers for unscrupulous employers to exploit, eroding the minimum wage for all. John Reid didn?t care though, for pandering to the anti-immigrant sentiments of the media and creating a climate of fear and hatred was just a good career move.
So there we have John Reid. We also have the supreme irony that Reid, the anti-immigrant warmonger and war criminal, and a former British direct ruler of Ireland is now the chairman of Celtic, a club founded by (and largely for) the poor Irish immigrant community in Glasgow, driven from their homeland by the effects of British rule and conflict in Ireland.
This edition of The TÁL Blog by Berti Bhoy
John Reid was born in the mining village of Cardowan in May 1947, the son of a postman and a factory worker, humble roots which he makes much capital of. He was an unremarkable student who left school at 16 to become an insurance clerk and married his childhood sweetheart Cathie McGowan before going to Stirling University as a mature student aged 24.
Although the married Reid was well-known for his womanising and a disposition to sing Irish rebel songs in the students? union bar, he became even more prominent when elected as president of the students? union. It was during these elections that Reid?s reputation as a careerist was born, standing as the communist candidate despite the reservations of the party on campus. Jim White, secretary of the Young Communist League now reflects that Reid was an ?opportunist? while Ken Ferguson, another former student comrade, says that ?he wasn?t political?. Reid won, but soon switched sides. The Guardian?s Tom Bower says that ?financial imperatives had persuaded him to abandon the communists for Labour?. Such ruthless ambition and an absence of any real conviction became the hallmark of Reid?s career.
As he made the switch from student politics to the real thing (making his name as a researcher and speech-writer for Neil Kinnock) he found old habits died hard. Reid continued in his lecherous ways and the Mail on Sunday recently revealed that he pestered fellow Labour MP Dawn Primarolo for sex. Not content with a very public rejection in a Berlin hotel bar on an All-Party trip, witnessed by stunned Parliamentary colleagues, Reid is thought to have harassed Primarolo over a number of years. He famously declared, to her understandable disgust, that ?I want to have sex with you, I want to f**k you, you want it as well?. The reformed alcoholic proved himself to be just as eloquent sober, introducing himself to his second wife, the Brazilian film-maker Carine Adler, by telling her ?I?ve been admiring your a***?.
Reid?s aggression was not confined to sexual harassment and he first came to public attention by drunkenly attacking an attendant in Parliament. His political fortunes improved after beating the bottle but his reputation as a bully was only enhanced and it was no surprise that after New Labour?s landslide election victory in 1997 Reid was rewarded for his loyalty to new leader Tony Blair by his appointment as Armed Forces Minister. Reid happily posed as Action Man on a British Army tank.
By 1999 Reid was in Blair?s Cabinet, given the job of Secretary of State for Scotland. And here it gets very interesting. Investigating the lobbyists who try to influence our elected representatives The Observer newspaper filmed John Reid?s 24 year-old son Kevin boasting to potential clients ?I know the Secretary of State very, very well, because he?s my father?. Once the story broke Kevin Reid?s usefulness to his employer, Beattie Media, was outlived and his short career as a lobbyist was over just a few months after it had begun. His father had more of a direct influence in his previous job though this too was mired in controversy. New Labour was struggling to finance its election campaign for the inaugural Scottish Parliament when John Reid came upon a novel idea: Kevin and two others could join the election campaign staff and be put ?through the books? as researchers for Scottish Labour MPs (Reid among them) and therefore have their wages paid by Westminster. The ruse was uncovered and Elizabeth Filkin, the Parliamentary Commissioner for Standards, severely censured Reid for abusing his privileged position. In the course of the investigation Reid was taped intimidating party colleagues to get their stories straight and Filkin found that he was guilty of ?threats of a particularly disturbing kind?.
Reid later took on the role of Health Secretary and was responsible for handing Labour donor Paul Drayson?s pharmaceutical company a £32m government contract. Despite requests under the Freedom of Information Act to disclose information on how the contract was awarded Reid?s department refused to do so. The Parliamentary Ombudsman quite understandably viewed this as a ?matter of great concern?.
And so we come to Dermot Desmond, the power behind the chairman?s throne. Desmond?s ?vehicle management solutions? company Venson is a generous donor to New Labour, giving £34, 375 earlier this year. This probably comes as no surprise, since they?ve benefited from the government?s Private Finance Initiative policy to the tune of lucrative contracts with Nottingham Police, Merseyside Fire Service and the East Anglia Ambulance Fund. According to the register of MPs? interests Desmond?s generosity also stretched to flying John Reid to the 2007 Scottish Cup Final. Reid also reports that he was taken, all-expenses-paid, to the Uefa Cup semi-final second leg away to Boavista, and the final in Seville itself, as a guest of the Club.
Dermot Desmond, of course, didn?t get rich by giving his money away and John Reid wasn?t the first politician to be showered with gifts by the billionaire. Desmond is known to have made secret payment to the off-shore account of Charlie Haughey, the disgraced former Taoiseach, and spent £75,000 on a lavish refit of Haughey?s private yacht. The Moriarty Tribunal into Haughey?s conduct said it was a ?reasonable inference that Mr Desmond?s motive for making these payments was connected with the public office of Taoiseach?. Desmond?s business interests extend to financing biometrics company Daon, who are in the business of airport security and have recently linked up with the American Association of Airport Executives to develop tamperproof ID cards. John Reid, whose last brief in Blair?s Cabinet was as a Home Secretary responsible for security issues, is co-incidently the foremost champion of ID cards in Britain. When Dean Nelson, the editor of the Scottish edition of the Sunday Times commented that Reid?s ethos is ?not about making life better for the working class ? [but] ? about looking after yourself and your mates and not being accountable to anyone? it didn?t come as too much of a shock to those who?ve followed Reid?s career so when the story broke linking Reid to the chairman?s job at Celtic Park its tone was just as unsurprising. The Daily Telegraph report "The appointment of Mr Reid, 60, has been pushed for by Dermot Desmond, the Irish entrepreneur who is the largest shareholder in the club. Mr Reid might also become involved in the airport security company, Daon, which is backed by Mr Desmond. Sources said the financier is keen to get access to Mr Reid's formidable contacts book, which includes people such as America's head of Homeland Security, Michael Chertoff."
Desmond?s attraction to appointing Reid, who remarked ?when Tony Blair asks me to do something, I?ll do it?, is fairly evident. But the unsuitability of Reid, the sex pest, bully and lackey, for the post extends even beyond the likelihood that his appointment would render our club nothing but a convenient pawn in a billionaire?s business plan.
After being moved from his position as Scottish Secretary in the wake of Lobbygate Reid took on the role of Secretary of State for ?Northern Ireland?. Upon his appointment he declared himself ?a Catholic, a Brit, a Celtic supporter and a unionist". This Catholic, Celtic-supporting Brit certainly nailed his colours to the unionist mast, suspending the power-sharing Stormont Executive when an alleged ?IRA spy-ring? was uncovered in October 2002. Reid, who was ultimately responsible for intelligence gathering in the north of Ireland, watched on as 200 RUC/PSNI officers raided homes across nationalist west Belfast. Despite several arrests in a blaze of publicity all charges laid were later dropped and it later became clear that the principle ?suspect?, Denis Donaldson, was an RUC Special Branch informer. Sinn Fein?s Martin McGuinness rather astutely observed that ?what we are seeing is John Reid effectively taking up the demands of the unionist political leadership who have already very clearly stated they are opposed to the Good Friday Agreement?.
Into the power vacuum created by Reid stepped Ian ?A Protestant Parliament for a Protestant people? Paisley?s Democratic Unionist Party and the power-sharing institutions have only recently been restored. Reid became the British direct ruler in Ireland and befriended Ronnie Flanagan, the then Chief Constable of the RUC/PSNI. Under Flanagan?s watch the RUC colluded with loyalist paramilitaries in the murders of republicans and nationalists, and those unionists who opposed the loyalist?s reign of terror were also seen as fair game. Mark Thompson, spokesman for the campaigning Relatives for Justice group says that responsibility for state murder lies ?squarely with the British government? and Reid later gave his own seal of approval to state-sponsored murder in the north of Ireland by commissioning Flanagan to review the capabilities of the Iraqi police in December 2005.
Flanagan would no doubt feel quite at ease in this role - after all comparisons could be drawn with his old stomping ground in the Six Counties, as Iraq too is occupied by an Imperial power and the police ranks are swelled by sectarian bigots. While Flanagan?s hands were bloodied as his police force murdered with impunity in Ireland, John Reid?s bloody imprint is all over the occupation of Iraq. When the late Robin Cook took a principled stand against the proposed war and resigned from government, there was only one man Tony Blair was going to call to replace him as Leader of the House of Commons, John Reid, the ?attack dog? of New Labour. Reid?s main task was to make sure MPs were ?on message? and voted for the illegal, immoral war. Tragically he was successful.
After a brief spell as Health Secretary, when he displayed his financial acumen by striking a deal over consultants pay that many feel is responsible for NHS deficits and job cuts (Paul Miller, the British Medical Association?s negotiator during talks with Reid says that he ?under-estimated the huge amounts consultants would earn in overtime?) he became directly responsible for the war crimes committed by the invasion and occupation of Iraq as Defence Secretary. In Reid?s short spell in the role he urged people to be ?slow to condemn? troops who were caught on videotape abusing Iraqi captives and even the previously compliant local administration broke off ties with their British occupiers ? Basra Council in protest at the mistreatment of Iraqi civilians, while the city governor denounced the ?barbaric aggression? of the occupying force. Whilst he was Defence Secretary two cases of war crimes, under the banner of the International Criminal Court, were held before British court martial. Seven soldiers were brought before the court martial on charges relating to the horrific murder of Basra hotel worker Baha Mousa, who had 93 separate injuries inflicted on him. All were acquitted, though Cpl Donald Payne became the first British soldier to be convicted of a war crime after admitting to the inhumane treatment of detainees. The second related to the deliberate drowning of 15 year-old Ahmed Jabber Kareem Ali. While the military trials were ongoing the Tory MP Ben Wallace quite pertinently remarked that ?if we are charging these men with neglect we must recognise that the chain of command does not stop with commanding officers?.
Not that Iraq was Reid?s first brush with war crimes. In the early 1990s he built up a friendship with Radovan Karadzic. Karadzic led the Bosnian Serbs during the Balkan conflict and at its height in 1993 he entertained Reid at a luxury lakeside hotel in Geneva. Perhaps it was during his 3 days holidaying with the mastermind of the Srebrenica massacre that the boy from Cardowan?s appetite for war was whetted. When asked in a recent interview with The Independent about his links to Karadzic Reid could only tersely reply that ?These are matters for the International Criminal Court?. So, too, should John Reid?s crimes in Iraq.
Reid, escaping justice, saw out his Cabinet career with the Home Office portfolio, and it was here his conversion from student lefty was complete as his reactionary policies moved the Sunday Herald?s widely-respected commentator Iain MacWhirter to call him ?an authoritarian of the populist right?. Not content with the vain search for ?weapons of mass destruction? in war-torn Iraq Reid appealed to the ?bombralot of them? sentiments of the Sun?s more excitable readership, arguing for the right of pre-emptive strike (i.e. going to war without being attacked) and refusing to condemn the US?s appalling detention and torture in Guantanamo Bay and its ?extradordinary rendition? flights, which pass through British airports.
His credentials as a reactionary were further strengthened by his irrational immigration policy. When asylum seekers at Harmondsworth detention centre set fire to the camp in protest at the horrendous conditions Reid furiously called it an ?attempt to sabotage the enforcement of our immigration law?. This immigration law was shown to be morally redundant when Reid ordered the forced removal of 32 failed Iraqi asylum seekers, despite their appeals having not been heard (this draconian ?presumption of deportation? was a John Reid invention). The Iraqis, of course, were returned to a war-zone created by Reid and his colleagues. They were more-than-likely picked up in a ?dawn raid?, torn from the communities they called home in the middle of the night. While mainstream Scottish society recoils in horror at dawn raids and the dreadful Dungavel detention centre, where those fleeing persecution and their children are locked up, our working-class hero does not. The then Home Secretary saw political opportunity and happily smiled for the cameras, accompanying police on a 5am raid to drag families from their homes. His ire was not reserved only for asylum seekers, but legal migrants too. In a further sop to the right-wing papers he was to whip up yet more anger, ranting that ?It is unfair that foreigners come to this country and steal our benefits, steal our services and undermine the minimum wage by working?. The only thing undermining the minimum wage, benefits and services, however, was Reid?s illogical capping of migrants from the newly-acceded EU states of Romania and Bulgaria. This meant that while Romanians and Bulgarians were, as EU citizens, allowed to live here, they weren?t allowed to legally work ? meaning less taxes and a pool of illegal workers for unscrupulous employers to exploit, eroding the minimum wage for all. John Reid didn?t care though, for pandering to the anti-immigrant sentiments of the media and creating a climate of fear and hatred was just a good career move.
So there we have John Reid. We also have the supreme irony that Reid, the anti-immigrant warmonger and war criminal, and a former British direct ruler of Ireland is now the chairman of Celtic, a club founded by (and largely for) the poor Irish immigrant community in Glasgow, driven from their homeland by the effects of British rule and conflict in Ireland.
This edition of The TÁL Blog by Berti Bhoy
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